Mares: Every so often, we classify a drug as “the worst.” There was crack, then we got into methamphetamines, then we opioids. As a society— because it’s not just our leaders doing this, it’s a public supporting leaders — we have this response to illicit psychoactive substances and we heap all kinds of blame on top of it. That blame then bleeds over onto the people who are caught up in it. To understand the disparities in the racial distribution of penalties with all illegal drugs, you could do a class analysis: the poor are more likely to get arrested for illegal drugs, they’re more likely to get a tougher sentence for illegal drugs. If you analyze gender, women who are caught are more likely to get a more punishing sentence. And, you can do it by race. So, in the ‘80s, when we had the issue of crack, we wound up imposing such severe disparities because we were in the middle of a need to get tough on crime and tough on drugs. Why is it that African Americans, in particular, get caught up in this move to incarcerate more and more people? You have to understand the sociology of crack and the sociology of policing. Crack was incredibly cheap compared to powder cocaine, so if you had less money and you wanted to use an illegal drug, crack was very attractive. That means that poor people are going to be more attracted to crack than to powder cocaine. Powder cocaine is very expensive in the ‘80s, meaning you had to have a good paying job to use powder cocaine. That’s the beginning of that difference in who uses it, but that’s not enough to understand the racial disparity. Part of what we know in the United States about policing, in terms of socioeconomic situations, is that you’re more likely to get caught for crack cocaine if you’re African American than you are if you’re Hispanic or white, even though Hispanics and whites make up more users than African Americans (according to information from the sentencing commission). We don’t have enough data on sales, but it’s unlikely that most drug dealers are African American, despite what we see in the movies. Because these are illegal drugs, people don’t tend to walk up to somebody they don’t know and ask to buy an illegal drug; they tend to buy from their friends, from people that they know, from people that they meet at work or who are in their social circles. It’s that disparity in policing that leads to the greater arrests of African Americans. Then, you draw the disparity in penalties on top of that, and that largely explains why it is that the jails fill up with African Americans.
Osler: It’s just really a failure. There was a lot of hysteria about crack and no one knew what to do about it. One thing that, politically, really mattered was the death of a basketball player, Len Bias (in 1986). He was a great player from the University of Maryland and he got drafted by the Boston Celtics. If you read The Washington Post, they cover the Maryland Terps as a home team and that means that everybody in Washington has been reading about Len Bias for three years, about this great basketball player and he ended up in Boston. There are two very powerful people in Boston at that time: Ted Kennedy, who was a senator from Massachusetts, and Tip O’Neill, the speaker of the House, who was representing Boston. Those two powerful politicians come back to D.C. and they’re dead set on doing something about crack because the day after Len Bias was drafted by the Celtics, he overdosed on cocaine. Because he was Black, people assumed that it must have been crack. It turns out that it most likely wasn’t. It probably was powder cocaine. He overdosed on cocaine, people assumed it was crack, and they were off to the races.
If you’re going to trace the whole thing, there is a white or Hispanic person bringing powder cocaine to the United States, distributing it throughout the United States, it comes to a city, distributed within that city and neighborhoods as powder cocaine, and distributed. Then, typically, it’s rocked up into crack by the person who’s about to go out and sell it. It’s the last person in the chain, the person who’s least culpable and most easily replaceable, that this was prioritizing — the person who’s holding crack and selling it. I was a federal prosecutor in the ‘90s and people brought me all kinds of 5 gram crack cases, they were easy to make. Then, that person was categorized as a kingpin. Once, in the sentencing of a crack case, the defense attorney said, “If you drive by that house, there’s someone else selling crack there already,” and I did. He was right, there was somebody else selling crack there already, so we’re getting nothing done in terms of solving any problem. We’re creating problems by incarcerating people who had very low-level involvement in this drug trade and then spending billions of dollars doing it.
Provine: At the time, I was at the federal judicial center studying and working with the federal courts. I learned about a number of resignations of senior judges and judges taking what they call “senior status” to avoid having their cases dictated to them, and they were avoiding crack cocaine sentencing. A lot of complaints were coming in to the federal sentencing commission. Where I first picked up on how there might be a real justice issue with these federal district judges, which are essentially the trial judges in the federal system, was they were complaining pretty loudly that almost every defendant they were sentencing these big sentences to, was a young, Black male and it made them very uncomfortable and made them think something was seriously wrong. So, I started looking into how that legislation was passed and looked at the testimony that Congress listened to in passing that law. That was really a bombshell for me because there was a lot from newspapers, especially in the archival evidence I had of what came in to Congress, and it was clearly very skewed, racially. “Inner city” language was used to describe crack transactions, and then some of the testimony was, ‘We need to protect our college kids and not do too much with marijuana, but crack, oh my God, this can infect young, white people,’ basically. It was clear that it was a sense of fear of what might happen to white middle-class and upper middle-class populations because of this epidemic in the Black underclass. There were terms like “rats involved with crack” and just incredible terminology, so this was a kind of racial construction and fit with previous drug war panics.